Holistic vision on the eve of Knesset election

I received an SMS message:

- Hello, Moses. My name is Alexander.

On October 14 at 8:00 PM, I am organizing a small meeting in the center of Netanya with Eran Etzion – former Deputy Head of Israel's National Security Council and Head of Strategic Planning at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 
They gave me your contact at the 'Democrats' as someone who might be interested in such a meeting. Eran is currently a candidate from this party. 
The format is intimate, about 15-20 people, so that everyone has a chance to participate in the conversation.
===
Well, so. Since I am:

1. practically unprepared for a serious comparative analysis of what a given party promises and what it is actually capable of delivering to the ORDINARY JEWISH MASSES OF ISRAEL, to which I belong, and 
2. aiming, with the modest efforts available to me, to engage with the political culture of the 'Western civilization,' the assimilation into which, it seems, is the only thing that can provide an existential prospect for Jews, 

- I am very interested in the opportunity to communicate with someone at the level of 'Deputy Head of Israel's National Security Council and Head of Strategic Planning at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.'

As a holder of 'Western' diplomas and certificates and a productive adventurer in attempts to master 'Western' behavioral patterns (http://proza.ru/2018/10/09/1124 "You have to be a jackal"), I have tried to form an understanding in Israel of the capability of Israeli military leadership in maintaining the strategic partnership with America. For example: 

http://proza.ru/2019/05/24/1747 «Генеральский политический корпус»
http://proza.ru/2019/06/24/1724 «Израильская военная стратегия1» 
http://proza.ru/2019/06/25/474 «Израильская военная стратегия2»

An invitation to a 'small meeting with Eran Etzion' prompted me to spontaneously work through the first publication I came across, which presents a holistic vision by the leader of political observer (https://www.vesty.co.il/main/news 24/7) on the complex issues of uniting the Israeli Jewish population to secure an existential perspective for oneself.

There are less than three weeks left until the elections for the 26th Knesset, and the political system is starting to show signs of reaching the home stretch. Each party is trying 4 to strengthen itself at the expense of others, 6 poach voters, and 5 convince the undecided. Ynet political commentator Amir Ettinger on Friday, October 9, suggests taking a closer look at the 1 areas where the main battles are unfolding.

On 2 the right wing, Prime Minister 3 Benjamin Netanyahu is 7 mainly focused on 8 getting voters out of their homes - especially where 10 turnout is traditionally low. 9 However, in the final stretch, he 11 always tries to increase the number of Likud seats at the expense of partners within his own camp.

According to surveys, 29 the safety margin in terms of mandates for Otzma Yehudit and especially for 37 Religious Zionism is small, so 12 the Likud hasn’t yet decided 13 whether in the last days it should reach out to voters again with an appeal to 'not take risks' and 'vote for sure' (meaning for Likud). For now, it looks like Netanyahu 14 decided to 18 strengthen Bezalel Smotrich – 19 at the expense of the Otzma Yehudit party led by Ofer Winter. In Likud, they’re 15 not sure whether Winter’s 20 list will pass the electoral threshold. And 21 even if it does, 22 they’re not sure of its loyalty to the bloc.

There's a different game against Itamar Ben-Gvir.

Itamar Ben-Gvir is an Israeli lawyer, 26 Minister of National Security, and leader of the far-right Israeli party Otzma Yehudit (part of the 24 Ha-Tziyonut Ha-Datit bloc). 28 He is known for defending Jewish settlers in Israeli courts and 28 calling for the expulsion of disloyal Arab citizens from Israel.

Netanyahu 16 isn't interested in letting Otzma Yehudit 23 become too big a party, so he's trying to curb 24 Ben-Gvir's campaign, which aims to take seats from Likud. The Prime Minister 17 is even trying to reduce 32 the number of seats 25 Otzma Yehudit gets, without letting it 33 fall into the danger zone near the electoral threshold.

In turn, 24 the Minister of National Security 36 is following his own line, showing Netanyahu as a leader who doesn’t want to form a government with Otzma Yehudit and is pushing them aside (39 although Netanyahu himself has repeatedly said that the next government will be formed on the basis of the current coalition, he doesn’t hide that he wants to expand the government). 
The tension between Netanyahu's and Ben-Gvir's parties came to the surface this week - after Likud signed an agreement on the redistribution of leftover votes with Religious Zionism. In response, Otzma Yehudit published a statement saying, 'Unfortunately, Likud refused to sign a leftover votes agreement with us, and this is part of an attempt to sideline Otzma Yehudit and leave Ben-Gvir out of the unity government that Likud is planning with Eisenkot.'

There’s a quiet between Likud and 37 Religious Zionism. Netanyahu’s efforts to strengthen 37 Smotrich have shown, for example, in the fact that this week the Prime Minister praised Knesset member Simcha Rothman (4th place on the Religious Zionism list), addressing him during a public event: "You’re doing a great job fighting the legal dictatorship." 

Anyway, 34 Ben-Gvir is interested in taking voters from 38 Likud, 35 mostly young ones. Tali Gottlieb’s move to Otzma Yehudit was also supposed to cause a shift of votes between the parties. Netanyahu isn’t making aggressive efforts yet to hinder Otzma Yehudit’s leaders, since Likud is interested in moderate right-wing votes, and they 40 already view Ben-Gvir negatively.

SHAS 38 vs Otzma Yehudit: Aryeh Deri's party is fighting for the votes of 41 traditional voters, 42 some of whom lean toward voting for Itamar Ben-Gvir's party, 43 especially among the youth. Recently, statements by Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef against Ben-Gvir have also been spreading, claiming that he only talks a lot and acts contrary to the rabbis' opinion on going up to the Temple Mount, and therefore, no one should vote for him. 

Likud, SHAS, and ultra-Orthodox parties.

Things are 30 quiet in this area, and on October 8, the Prime Minister even indirectly responded to claims that his coalition relies on draft-evading Haredim. According to Netanyahu: 'Kaplan organizes demonstrations by extreme Haredim, that doesn’t represent the whole Orthodox community.' 

- 49 Fights in the Change bloc. 

In the bloc opposing Netanyahu, there are also 44 plenty of mutual attempts to pull mandates to their side. At the same time, 47 intra-bloc tension over the question of the 45 candidate for prime minister still remains.

51 Gadi Eisenkot (50 Yashar) 46 is trying to position himself as the "main" figure in the bloc - hence 48 calling Netanyahu to a debate. The ones 57 who fear losing voters because of Eisenkot's moves are the Be-Ya;ad and 56 Democrats parties. 

The Be-Ya;ad party, led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid 58, is trying to win back the votes that went to Eisenkot 59 - focusing on those who voted for Yesh Atid in the previous elections. 

60 MP Merav Ben-Ari 61 explained this week at a conference held over Zoom why people should prefer 62 voting for Bennett over voting for Eisenkot. "You need to choose people you trust in the Knesset. From my experience, I recommend checking who numbers 15 and 16 are. Who are these people, and can you rely on them not to get confused?" she said.

Let's recall that most polls suggest a roughly even split between the blocs, so the winner will be the one who manages to sway voters from the opposing camp at the last moment. How successfully the politicians will manage this will become clear on October 27.