The mystery of the Romanov family demise

This collection of quotes is dedicated to studying the tragic demise of the Romanov’s dynasty. The quotes are from primary sources, with the aim of clarifying V. I. Lenin’s connection to the death of the Tsar’s family. This is the study of letters from the linguistics and psychology perspective.

Ýòà ïîäáîðêà öèòàò ïîñâÿùåíà èññëåäîâàíèþ òðàãè÷åñêîé ãèáåëè äèíàñòèè Ðîìàíîâûõ. Öèòàòû ÿâëÿþòñÿ èçó÷åíèåì ïåðâîèñòî÷íèêîâ ñ öåëüþ ïðîÿñíèòü, êàêîå îòíîøåíèå èìåë Â. È. Ëåíèí ê ãèáåëè öàðñêîé ñåìüè. Ýòî èññëåäîâàíèå ïèñåì ñ òî÷êè çðåíèÿ ëèíãâèñòèêè è ïñèõîëîãèè.



Bibliography: V. I. Lenin. Complete Collected Works. Volume 34, Volume 36, Volume 37, Volume 50

Áèáëèîãðàôèÿ: Â. È. Ëåíèí. Ïîëíîå ñîáðàíèå ñî÷èíåíèé. Òîì 34, òîì 36, òîì 37, òîì 50.



The hypothesis of this linguistic study is that a letter written by Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna triggered a destructive emotional response in V. I. Lenin, leading to the tragic events of July 1918. The study investigates the reaction to the letter written on May 7, that appears to have become a psychological trigger. Also May 20, when Anastasia—along with the other children — left Tobolsk aboard the steamship “Rus” and arrived in Yekaterinburg. Furthermore, the study investigates the reaction to the murder (that took place on the night of July 16–17). I studied the data in the timeframe from May 7 to November 1918.

Lenin’s correspondence reveals his initial reactions, including his intentions and plans regarding how—and in what manner — to proceed. At times, words are read without spaces, and the text contains slang phrases. Behind seemingly ordinary phrases, one may discern underlying meanings that reveal unconscious thoughts. The study then explores the time immediately preceding the tragic event, looking at potential plans for carrying out the intended action, moments of hesitation ("what if I don't do it?"), and the rationalization of the deed. Finally, it studies the reaction that occurred after the presumed committing murder; these letters reflect suppressed emotional condition. Several slips of the tongue are also needed to be noted.



Key dates for this study:
The last known letter from Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna, dated May 7, 1918.
May 20, 1918 - the day Anastasia—along with her brother Alexei and sisters Olga and Tatiana—was taken from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg aboard the steamship “Rus”.
The execution of the Imperial family took place on the night of July 16–17, 1918.










                Letter from Grand Duchess Anastasia
                Nikolaevna
                to her parents in Yekaterinburg
                No. 1
                Tobolsk, April 24, 1918
                (May 7)

(Excerpts from the letter are provided for necessary citation)

I continue to draw; they say it’s not bad at all—very pleasant. We were swinging on the swings—and when I was falling, what a wonderful fall it had been!—truly something! I told my sisters about it so many times yesterday that they’re already tired of hearing it, though I could tell it lots of times — but there’s no one left to tell. In short, I have a wagonload of things to tell you both.
<…>
We had some manifestations too, and so — I dare you.
<…>
…they were cold and terribly hungry, and nearly got killed—poor things. They’re a bit curious as to what they’re guilty of; it’s all rather unclear. Yesterday we went to see some little pigs. It’s muddy in our garden (written as “sad” in Russian language), though it’s slightly frozen over now. It’s so dull; we haven’t had any news (izvestia) from Katya for ages — it’s awful! And there was laughter from the road... I’ll have to tell you about it in person so we can have a good laugh. We’ve just finished drinking tea. Alex is with us, and we’ve devoured so much paskha (Easter cake) that I feel like I’m about to burst.
<…>
When we sing together, it doesn’t sound very good because we need the fourth voice, and since you’re not here, we make endless jokes about it. Things are much duller, though there are still some funny jokes. In the evenings, we sit by...; yesterday, we practiced bibliomancy.



Based on my deciphering of the cipher, I’ve concluded that the murderer was a fan of the Marquis de Sade’s work. He was offended by suggestions that someone else had — unconsciously — reproduced memories of de Sade, and hinted about the true identity of "Catherine Traillet" in 1918. The inclusion of details from de Sade’s biography in the murder, along with obvious textual allusions to events from his life, can hardly be a coincidence. This points to an atheist’s suspicion of being deceived and maybe even blackmailed, a rivalry for social influence, social animosity, and a sense of humiliation—as if someone had placed themselves "above" him.


The murderer’s "handwriting" (or modus operandi) appears to be the imitation of the specific letter — there’re four key elements: a reference to a fall, pigs, four voices, and words from the letter “Alexei is with us”. Consider the disposal of the bodies into a mine shaft, and their burial at Porosenkov Log (Piglet’s Ravine). The water in the shaft was shallow, and the explosives used in an attempt to collapse the mine were ill-suited for the task. The site known as "Four Brothers" (Ganina Yama) aligns with the mention of a fourth voice missing from a chorus, in the letter. In 2007, the second burial site was discovered on the Koptyakov Road, approximately 70 meters from the first grave in Porosenkov Log. According to the theory by American researchers, there were the remains of Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Anastasia. The distance between the second and third burial sites is approximately 70 meters (68 meters, to be precise), that correlates with the number 7 — the date the letter was written at (May 7th). Number 7 transforms into number 70. In numerology, this signifies evolution and the strengthening of spiritual qualities. They specifically sought to destroy two bodies by fire — those of Tsarevich Alexei and the person presumed to be Anastasia Romanova (there is also imitation of Anastasia Romanova’s letter, containing the line: "I got the most tan of all"). It is unlikely that this imitation of a letter from Anastasia Romanova was merely a coincidence.

It’s possible that a psychological trigger was activated, that became a criminal motivation. In my view, unconscious memory is a genuine phenomenon; the text contains traces of recollections from a past life. It is highly improbable that Anastasia Romanova would have read books by the Marquis de Sade that listed such little-known details of his biography. This fact is indirect evidence regarding the identity of the individual. Guillaume Apollinaire’s book on the Marquis de Sade had not been translated into Russian language by 1918, and his 1909 work was known only to those Russians who had visited Paris. This book mentioned the story of Catherine Trillet and her father, who shot at de Sade. Lenin was in Paris from 1908 to 1912.

People rarely react to something that don’t concern them. The letter happened to coincide with the details from the life of de Sade—details the author of the letter was almost certainly unaware of. It included a request to plant acorns on the grave (so that pigs would come) and a mention of Catherine Trillet. Moreover, the signs, phrases, and numbers inscribed on the wall of the room in the Ipatiev House contain a cipher.

One might also mention issue number 144 of a newspaper... (a detail that also resonates with research into the Book of Revelation). It’s an issue of the newspaper “Izvestia” from 1918, which reports on the execution of Tsar Nicholas II, claiming that "the Romanov family has been moved from Yekaterinburg to another, safer location" — a statement that, in light of the truth, appears sinister. And the letter says: "It’s so dull; we haven’t had any news (izvestia) from Katya for ages—it’s awful!” This could be interpreted as an allusion to V. I. Lenin, who worked as a journalist for “Izvestia”.

In the decipherings of numbers the feast day of a saint known for eating acorns is mentioned (June 24th — 24.06 — Barnabas of Vetluga), also the phrase "belle-Sad-zar" (derived from a poem by Heinrich Heine). The quote inscribed on the wall of the execution room is: "On the night when the dawn began to glow, The slaves/servants slaughtered the Tsar" (written in German language).

"How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously, so much torment and sorrow give her: for she saith in her heart, I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow." (Revelation 18:7). This evokes associations with the phrases "belle-sat-zar" and "belle-sad-zar" (from Heinrich Heine’s poem “Balsatzar”, in the context of the Ipatiev House). On the wall, there was an inscription in German language, taken from the poem: : «Belsatzar ward in selbiger Nacht, Von seinen Knechten umgebracht». – "That very night, Belsatzar was killed by his servants."

Additional words on the wall of the Ipatiev House:

1) The word "polouverchok's" — "pullover chokes" or about the Russian word “ïîëóâåðøîê” (a small unit of measurement); it could also be interpreted as "half-believed. shock" — a reference to a family of blanket weavers, Catherine Trillet.
2) "Shury" and "Shura" - ("Øóðû" è "Øóðà") - imitation of the letter in which the name Sasha (Ñàøà) was repeated twice.

There were prompts at the emergence of the feeling of distress (upset) (inverted letters). The number 78 was chosen to represent the year 1918, when a certain tragic event took place. There was also a reference to the feast day of a Saint known for eating acorns (June 24th — 24.06 — Barnabas of Vetluga).


1. «24678 ðó. ãîäà»
2. «1918 ãîäà»
3. «148467878 ð»
4. «87888»

On the wall of the execution room in the basement of the Ipatiev House, three instances of the letter “L” (lambda/lamed) — taken from various ancient alphabets and turned upside down—were discovered, along with a diagonal slash.

In the history of mathematics, the Latin letter “P” with a slash signified the word “pi;” (“more” or “plus”) in the works of Luca Pacioli (1494).

June 24th is the feast day of the Saint who ate only acorns. The number 78 refers to a year. “ðó” stands for “ritual murder” (“ðèòóàëüíîå óáèéñòâî”).
1918 – linking the year 1978 to the year the Tsar’s family was murdered. This relates to a little-known detail from the biography of John Lennon (in 1978, involving Colombia and a witch named Lena, who allegedly sacrificed a chicken).

The number 78 repeats four times—representing the four bullets that struck John Lennon. He passed away December 8, 1980 (8.12.1980).
Mentally removing the superfluous digits. It leaves the number 8 repeated four times—a reference to the day of the month on which the murder took place in 1980.
This leaves the numbers 14 and 46, along with the Latin letter “P” with a slash (the symbol for addition). Adding these numbers together: 1+4=5 and 4+6=10; 5+10=15. Following the principles of numerology, we continue by adding these digits: 1+5=6. Now, applying the “more/plus” clue (which appears at the end of the phrase): 6+6=12. This corresponds to the twelfth month. In other words, the code contains the year of a new ritual, linked to the year 1978—as well as a date (8.12 or 12.8).

The beginning of the letter describes a sensation of falling from swings and returning to this impression repeatedly. This is reminiscent of the emotional "swings" in the life of the Marquis de Sade and his love of risk. Biographies note that Anastasia Romanova was known for making jokes that pushed the boundaries of propriety. It is also can be recalled that the Marquis de Sade was so consumed by his literary pursuits, that he would even write on toilet paper rolls.

Next, there is a phrase about "manifestations." At the time, this term denoted street marches or public expression of one’s stance. At that time, the word didn’t seem to be used in the sense of "the materialization of thoughts." She writes: "I dare you" This, too, could have become an emotional trigger for the perpetrator’s actions.

Then follows a paragraph that almost entirely coincides with the biography of de Sade. Initially, the suffering of others is discussed abstractly, with irony switched on as a defense mechanism (a failure to comprehend why fate is so cruel). Further, the associations begin to directly resemble the life of de Sade—pigs and acorns, a small garden, dirt, slightly frozen (evoking recollection of imprisonment isolation), "Katya," horror, and laughter while on the road (referencing a successful escape from the aggression of Katrin’s father, whose gun misfired de Sade twice). It then suggests "telling the story in person and having a laugh." A paranoid individual might have perceived this as deliberate mockery, or even as an invitation to meet — and perhaps an attempt at blackmail. This is because the letter might have been read aloud in court, had there been a public trial involving the Romanovs. To a paranoid mind, it would seem as though everyone would surely notice the parallels to de Sade’s biography — though, in reality, only psychologists at the time would have recognized it, because de Sade was little known in Russia. In truth, however, the letter dealt with the mundane, everyday matters — such as the description of nature. As for "Katya," a note accompanying the letter clarifies that this refers to Ekaterina Viktorovna Sukhomlinova.


Notes in the Ipatiev House

1) "Portraits and albums are in its places, whenever we need them. We are having a revolution here, and we must calmly wait to see what happens next." (N. A. Sokolov’s investigative file)

The phrase’s original: “Les portraits et les albums sont en place quand il nous le faut. Ici nous avons la r;volution et il faut attendre tranquillement ce qui va arriver.”
N. A. Sokolov attributed the note to the Empress; E. S. Radzinsky thought that Anastasia was the author.


2) In the books by N. A. Sokolov and E. S. Radzinsky, there are mentions of notes found in the Ipatiev House.
Attached to the stove in the upstairs restroom was a scrap of lined paper with the text: "You are earnestly requested to leave the toilet as clean as you found it" — and below this, it was written: "Wrote this, though don't even know why; but you, strangers, can read it."



Anastasia Nikolaevna and her brother Alexei took part in theatrical productions. For instance, the children prepared a comedy by Maurice Hennequin with the title "John’s Vibes" (Le Fluide de John). The lead roles were played by Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Maria.

While examining the crime scene, investigator Nikolai Sokolov discovered certain symbols. They were found on the wallpaper of the south wall in the basement room of the "House of Special Purpose" – Äîìà Îñîáîãî Íàçíà÷åíèÿ (ÄÎÍ - D.O.N.).
The signs consisted of three inverted letters—resembling the character "L"—and a single diagonal slash:

1. The first sign is an inverted letter "lamed" (;) from the ancient Samaritan (or Phoenician) alphabet.
2. The second sign is an inverted letter "lamed" from the Aramaic script.
3. The third sign is an inverted Greek letter "lambda" (;).

The Phoenician alphabet, one of the earliest in history, was later adopted by the Greeks. The Etruscan alphabet emerged from the Greek alphabet, and the Latin alphabet developed from the Etruscan alphabet.

Titulus Crucis (Latin words) — the nameplate placed above the head of Jesus Christ on the Cross.
By order of Pontius Pilate, the guilt of the crucified man was inscribed upon it: "Jesus the Nazarene, King of the Jews."

According to the Gospel of John (chapter 19, verse 20), the text was written in three languages:

1. Latin (the official state language of the Roman Empire).
2. Hebrew (Aramaic or ancient Hebrew — the spoken and religious language of the local province).
3. Greek (the language of international communication, trade, and culture in the eastern part of the Roman Empire).

In other words, the languages correspond exactly. Instead of the Phoenician alphabet, the Latin alphabet — which evolved from the Phoenician — is used. However, the cipher doesn’t refer directly to Jesus. It was not about Jesus, but rather about the Marquis de Sade, the alleged secret leader of the Parisian Masonic lodge known as "The Union of Belleville."

"DON" (an acronym for”Dom Osobogo Naznacheniya”, or "House of Special Purpose") refers to Donatien de Sade. The name may have been assigned to the building from the very beginning (approximately April 28 – May 1, 1918) — unrelated to the letter of Anastasia Romanova, but rather reflecting the general party line. Alternatively, there may have been some error in the documentation, and the name actually appeared after her letter — after May 7, 1918. This, however, is difficult to verify. Furthermore, the deciphering relates to a term from the poem "Belsatzar," that also appeared on the wall of the Ipatiev House. There’re three distinct alphabets: "Belle-Sad-zar."



Then, I’ll comment on the specific quotes by V. I. Lenin from the point of view of my hypothesis.





 


Articles published after May 7 (after the last letter from Anastasia Romanova)


On "left-wing" childishness and the petty-bourgeois mentality

Published on May 9, 10, and 11, 1918, in the newspaper “Pravda”, issue numbers 88, 89, and 90. Signed: N. Lenin.
Printed according to the text of the pamphlet: N. Lenin, “The Main Task of Our Day”, Moscow, Priboy Publishers, 1918; collated with the text in the newspaper and the pamphlet: N. Lenin (V. I. Ulyanov), “Old articles on topics close  to the present topics”, Moscow, 1922.


<…>
          They are characteristic of the current moment; they clarify—with remarkable, albeit negative, distinctness —the "crux" of this moment. They are enlightening, for we are dealing with some of the best individuals who have failed to grasp the nature of the present moment—people who, in terms of both knowledge and dedication, stand far, far above the run-of-the-mill (äþæèííûé – ordinary, or a group of twelve) proponents of this same error…

<…> The formulation here is even more childishly imprecise, despite all the posturing as "scientific." It is typical of children to "understand" science as if it could determine exactly which year—in the spring and summer, or in the autumn and winter—a "collapse" is "bound" to begin.

         One may be either resolute or irresolute regarding the issues of nationalization and confiscation. But the crux of the matter is that even the greatest "resoluteness" in the world is insufficient for the transition from nationalization and confiscation to socialization. The trouble with our "leftists" is that, by using this naive, childish combination of words—"the most resolute… socialization"—they reveal a complete failure to grasp the crux of the issue, the crux of the "current" moment. The misfortune of the "leftists" is precisely in the fact that they failed to grasp the very essence of the "current moment"—the transition from confiscations (where the primary quality required from a politician is decisiveness) to socialization (which demands an entirely different quality from a revolutionary).
          Yesterday, the crux (ãâîçäü - construction nail) of the moment was to nationalize, confiscate, strike at—and finish off—the bourgeoisie, and to break sabotage, all with the utmost decisiveness. Today, only the blind could fail to see, that we have already nationalized, confiscated, struck at, and broken more than we have even managed to count. Yet, socialization differs from simple confiscation in this very respect: while one can carry out confiscations through sheer "decisiveness"—without the ability to properly account for or distribute assets—socialization cannot be achieved without such an ability.
         It stands to our historical credit, that yesterday we were (and tomorrow we shall continue to be) decisive in our confiscations, in finishing off the bourgeoisie, and in breaking sabotage. But to write about this today, in a set of "theses on the current moment," is to face the past while failing to comprehend the transition towards the future.
... “The final breaking of sabotage”... What a task to propose! Why, our saboteurs have already been "broken" quite sufficiently. What we lack is something different, entirely different: counting where each saboteur should be placed, and the capacity to organize our own forces for oversight—for instance, by assigning one Bolshevik leader or controller to supervise every hundred saboteurs, who have entered our service. In such a situation, to toss around phrases like "the most decisive socialization," "finishing off (the bourgeoisie)," or "the final breaking (of sabotage)" is to be wide of the mark. It is the characteristic of a petty-bourgeois revolutionary – failing to see that "finishing off", "breaking", and suchlike are not enough for socialism — such actions might satisfy a small property owner enraged at a large one, but a proletarian revolutionary would never fall into such an error.

In this article, the word "crux" (ãâîçäü – "construction nail") is used six times. A hint is dropped, that "breaking" people is not enough.




<…> the elements of various socio-economic structures that exist in Russia. And this is the very crux of the matter.
Let’s list these elements:
1) patriarchal — that is, to a large extent, natural — peasant farming;
2) small-scale commodity production (this includes the majority of those peasants who sell grain);
3) private-economy capitalism;
4) state capitalism;
5) socialism.

<…> grain is the main object of speculation.
The main struggle unfolds precisely in this sphere. Between whom — in terms of economic categories such as "state capitalism" — is this struggle taking place? Is it between the 4th and 5th degrees, in the order I just listed them? Certainly not.

In this instance, the word "degrees" is used inadvertently instead of "elements". In truth, these elements are philosophically equivalent.


<…>
The victorious proletarian revolution in Germany would, at once and with tremendous ease, shatter the entire shell of imperialism (a shell made, unfortunately, of the finest steel—and therefore not easily broken by the efforts of any… chick), and would secure the victory of world socialism — for sure, and with little to no difficulty – provided, of course, that one defines "difficulty" on a world-historical scale, rather than from the narrow, parochial perspective of some petty circle.

Emphasis is on the amateurish and naive nature of the alleged "attempts at blackmail."













Written on May 20, 1918; based on the manuscript.
First published in 1931.
In Lenin Miscellany XV0III (Leninsky Sbornik XVIII).


                To A. D. Tsiurupa

It is necessary to draft a circular for the Commissariat of Food — or, perhaps even better, a decree of the Council of People's Commissars (SNK)—containing the most detailed explanation: (“decree” – “äåêðåò” – in a literal meaning – maternity leave)
<…>
— that the separate existence and independent operations of "delegate committees" (“delegatkomy”) are impermissible;
— that such arrangements consistently lead to the infiltration (as a literal word, “penetration”) of speculators.
<…>
All of this must be set out and printed in an extremely detailed and highly accessible manner.

This letter was written on the day that Anastasia, along with her brother Alexei and her sisters Olga and Tatiana, was finally taken from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg aboard the steamship “Rus”.
At the beginning of the letter, there is a hint of a "circus" (ñîñòàâèòü öèðêóëÿð – “öèðê”). The term “ëÿð” – “ëÿðâà” -  “lyarva” (larva) — an insect larva — is embedded within the word "circular" (“öèðêóëÿð”). The reference to an "SNK decree" (maternity leave SNK) (“äåêðåò ÑÍÊ”) alludes to a scenario where a woman becomes pregnant and then drowns (the acronym SNK — SINK — suggests "sinking"). In other words, one gets the impression that the author sought to stage the crime theatrically, driven by vanity and a sense of superiority.
The "infiltration (penetration) of speculators" serves as an allusion to sexual activity and deception.
The term "extremely detailed" (“àðõèïîäðîáíî” - archidetailed) implies the abundance of specific details of something. Furthermore, the phrase can be interpreted as: “àðõèïîïóëÿðíî” (archipopular) "archi” - “butt” - “of larva” “noise” — “to lay down” (in 1918, “ëîæèòü” — to lay/place — was slang for killing or brutally beating someone) — and to print (the result in a newspaper). "Ýòî âñå àðõèïîäðîáíî è àðõèïîïóëÿðíî èçëîæèòü è íàïå÷àòàòü”.



















Written on July 13, 1918.
                Printed from the manuscript.
First published in 1942.
In “Lenin Miscellany” XXXIV.



                222

                To N. I. Podvoisky


                To Podvoisky

Why did you not dispatch 4 regiments—plus Asarkh’s regiment—from Kursk?
+ Sluvis’s (regiment)?
Being late is ruining us on the Czechoslovak front, and you have been late!


In the history of mathematics, the Latin letter "P" with a slash was used to represent the word *pi;* ("more" or "plus") in the works of Luca Pacioli (1494)—this is a citation from the decipherment of the code found in the Ipatiev House.
The mention of number 4, combined with the repetition of such "plus" signs—at the time when the actual murderer was already preparing the code—is suspicious.
"Asarkh" can be read as “a tsar – kha” ("and the tsar – ha!") («À öàðü – õà»). "Sluvis" can be read as “slovi tsarya” ("catch the tsar") («ñëîâè öàðÿ»). This suggests an association: the tsar could either be captured or saved from the downfall.
























Letters written after the murder of the Tsar’s family on the night of July 16, 1918.




                225

                Telegram to F. I. Kolesov

July 17, 1918
                Tashkent
                To the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars
                of the Turkestan Republic
                Kolesov

We are taking all possible measures to help you. We are sending a regiment.
<…>
Don’t give in to despair; make every effort to establish a stable and reliable connection with Krasnovodsk and Baku.

                Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, Lenin



                228
                To G. E. Zinoviev, M. M. Lashevich,
                E. D. Stasova

July 20, 1918
                Comrades Zinoviev,
                Lashevich,
                and Stasova

It is essential to mobilize the maximum number of workers from Petrograd:
(1) Several dozens of "leaders" (; la Kayurov)
(2) Thousands of "rank-and-file" members

Otherwise, we shall fall, for the situation with the Czechoslovaks is absolutely dire (the literal phrase: “out of one's hands, badly”)


These two letters remind of the traumatic stress caused by the perpetration of violence.




Further, I study the letters not in a chronological order, but within the meaning.




Written on May 20, 1918.
Published on May 22, 1918, in the newspaper “Petrogradskaya Pravda”, No. 103.
Printed from the manuscript.

On Famine
(A Letter to the Petrograd Workers)


When the people are starving, when unemployment is raging with ever-increasing severity, anyone who hoards even a single pood of grain, or deprives the state of a single pood of fuel, is the worst criminal.
At such a time — and for a truly communist society, this is always true—every pood of grain or fuel is a sacred object; it is far more sacred than those "holy" things with which priests delude fools — promising them a "kingdom of heaven" as a reward for their enslavement here on Earth. And in order to strip away any lingering trace of clerical "sanctity" from this truly sacred object, one must possess her practically; one must ensure, in practice (íà äåëå – literally written “at the case”), her proper distribution; one must collect—without exception, down to the very last grain—all surplus grain into state reserves; one must purge the entire country of any hidden or uncollected grain surpluses; and with a firm, working-class hand, one must push for an all-out effort to increase fuel production, ensure the utmost economy in its use, and establish strict order in its transport and consumption.

The letter, written two months before the execution of the Romanovs, appears to hint at the planning of certain actions and an attempt to rationalize such criminal conduct.





“Izvestiya VTsIK” No. 133, June 29, 1918.
Reprinted from the text in the newspaper “Izvestiya VTsIK”.

Prophetic Words

...against Soviet power.
V. I. Lenin delivered speeches at the AMO plant (in the Simonovsky sub-district), the former Mikhelson plant (in the Zamoskvoretsky district), and in the Soviet Garden (garden – ñàä – sad) in the Rogozhsky district.


Nowadays—thank God—people no longer believe in miracles. A miraculous prophecy is a fairy tale. But a scientific prophecy is a fact. And in our days, when one frequently encounters shameful despondency or even despair all around, it is useful to recall one scientific prophecy that has come true.
<…>
Some of what Engels predicted turned out differently—as well it might, given how much the world and capitalism have changed over thirty years of rabidly rapid imperialist development. Yet, most remarkably, so much of what Engels foresaw has unfolded exactly as if it was going like clockwork. This is because Engels provided an impeccably precise class analysis, and classes — along with the relationships between them — have remained the same.
<…>
Our saccharine writers—those from “Novaya Zhizn” (New Life), “Vpered” (Forward), or “Delo Naroda” (The Case of the People) — are prepared to "theoretically" accept a revolution of the proletariat and other oppressed classes, provided only that this revolution falls from the sky, rather than being born and growing upon the earth drenched in the blood of a four-year imperialist slaughter of nations—the earth inhabited by millions upon millions of people, tormented, tortured, gone wild by this carnage.
They had heard it said — and acknowledged "theoretically" — that revolution should be compared to the act of childbirth; yet, when it came to it, they turned out to be shameful cowards. Instead of standing firm, they turned their sniveling of petty, wretched souls into the rehash of malicious attacks launched by the bourgeoisie against the proletarian uprising. Consider how the act of childbirth is depicted in literature — in works where the authors’ intent was to provide a truthful reconstruction of the full weight, the torment, and the horrors of this act — such as in ;mile Zola’s “La Joie de vivre” (“The Joy of Life”) or Veresaev’s “The Memoirs of a Physician”. The birth of a human being is connected with such an act, that turns a woman into a battered, tormented, pain-crazed, blood-soaked, and half-dead piece of meat. Yet, would anyone truly regard an "individual" as a human being if that person saw only this in love, in its consequences, in the transformation of a woman into a mother? Who, on that basis, would forswear love or the bearing of children?
Childbirth can be easy, or it can be difficult. Marx and Engels, the founders of scientific socialism, always spoke of the prolonged labor pains inevitably associated with the transition from capitalism to socialism. Furthermore, in his analysis of the aftermath of the world war, Engels describes — with clarity and simplicity — the indisputable fact that the revolution following or linked to such a war (and, one might add, a revolution that erupts during a war—forced to develop and sustain itself amidst a global conflict) constitutes an exceptionally difficult case of childbirth.

There are logical errors in the final two paragraphs of the text. Revolution is compared to the act of childbirth. It is noted in a positive light that, despite the hardships and suffering involved in childbirth, people continue to bear children — implying that one must be psychologically prepared for such difficulties. However, the reality is that revolution is the sacrifice of human lives. Lenin refers to French physicians describing the act of childbirth; yet, in truth, his description bears a resemblance to the passage from the Marquis de Sade’s book “Justine”, that speaks of a "formless mass, covered in bleeding wounds."
Another logical fallacy appears in the following quote: “The birth of a human being is connected with such an act, that turns a woman into a battered, tormented, pain-crazed, blood-soaked, and half-dead piece of meat. Yet, would anyone truly regard an "individual" as a human being if that person saw only this in love, in its consequences, in the transformation of a woman into a mother? Who, on that basis, would forswear love or the bearing of children?”
At first, it seems the text refers not to childbirth, but to the sexual act itself. Yet, the author suddenly adds the words "in its consequences (the consequences of love), in the transformation of a woman into a mother". And it entirely shifts the meaning of the phrase. It reads as if the author was correcting a logical error made during verbal speech. It also suggests an attempt to rationalize a planned act of cruelty.









“Izvestiya VTsIK” No. 161, July 31, 1918.
“Pravda” No. 160, August 1, 1918.
Printed based on the text from the newspaper “Izvestiya VTsIK”.

Speech at the rally of the Warsaw Revolutionary Regiment, August 2, 1918.
Newspaper report.

It is perfectly clear that they wish to encircle Russia with a ring of imperialist plunderers and strangle her for having exposed and torn up their secret treaties.

In this instance, it resembles a psychological projection, where the author projects the state of others onto himself — as if someone was ruining his life, and as if it were necessary to get rid of someone.







Written in the first half of August 1918 (after August 6).
First published on January 17, 1925, in the newspaper “Rabochaya Moskva” (Workers' Moscow), No. 14.
Printed based on the manuscript.

Speech at the rally in the Sokolniki District, August 9, 1918.
Brief newspaper report.

Locked in a death grip, these predators have found themselves at the edge of the abyss.

This reflects the author’s psychological state. It was written in August, after the bloody events of July 16 in Yekaterinburg. One gets the impression that it was not only the victims of the crime who ended up at the edge of a psychological abyss. There is also a sense of the author himself being a predator. Furthermore, this is an allusion to specific details of the murder (the disposal of the bodies into a mine shaft).


 









Speeches at the meeting of the Moscow Party Committee regarding the organization of sympathizer’ groups, August 16, 1918

First published on January 22, 1928, in the newspaper “Pravda”, No. 19.
Printed from a handwritten copy of minutes of the meeting.

Letter to American Workers



Workers of all the world — in whatever country they may live — greet us, sympathize with us, and applaud us for having broken the iron rings of imperialist ties, sordid imperialist treaties, and imperialist chains; for we have fought our way to freedom, even at the cost of the most severe sacrifices; and for having remained — as a socialist republic, however tormented and plundered by the imperialists — outside the imperialist war, raising the banner of peace and the banner of socialism in front of the entire world.

Let the venal bourgeois press shout to all the world about every mistake our revolution makes. We are not afraid of our own mistakes. The mere fact that a revolution has begun, hasn’t turned people into saints. The working classes — who for centuries have been oppressed, downtrodden, and forcibly held in the grip of poverty, ignorance, and degradation — cannot carry out a revolution without making mistakes. And the corpse of bourgeois society, as I already had to point out once, cannot simply be nailed into a coffin and buried in the ground. (”Collected Works”, 5th ed., Vol. 36, p. 409). The slain capitalism rots and decomposes in our midst, polluting the air with its miasmas, poisoning our lives, and ensnaring all that is new, fresh, young, and alive, with a thousand threads and ties reaching back to the old, the rotten, and the dead.
A quote from Volume 36: When a revolution occurs, it’s not like the death of an individual, where the deceased is carried away. When an old society perishes, its corpse cannot be nailed into a coffin and laid into a grave. It decomposes in our midst; this corpse rots and infects us all.
<…>
And the first country to break the convict chains of the imperialist war was our own country. We made the heaviest sacrifices in the struggle to shatter these chains, but we succeeded. We now stand free from the imperialist dependencies, having raised in front of all the world the banner of the struggle for complete overthrow of imperialism.


Let’s study the quote.

And the corpse of bourgeois society, as I already had to point out once, cannot simply be nailed into a coffin and buried in the ground. (See ”Collected Works”, 5th ed., Vol. 36, p. 409). The slain capitalism rots and decomposes in our midst, polluting the air with its miasmas, poisoning our lives, and ensnaring all that is new, fresh, young, and alive, with a thousand threads and ties reaching back to the old, the rotten, and the dead.
A quote from Volume 36: When a revolution occurs, it’s not like the death of an individual, where the deceased is carried away. When an old society perishes, its corpse cannot be nailed into a coffin and laid into a grave. It decomposes in our midst; this corpse rots and infects us all.


There are logical contradictions here.
Consider the phrase:
“And the corpse of bourgeois society, as I already had to point out once, cannot simply be nailed into a coffin and buried in the ground.”

1) The choice of words is illogical and stylistically unjustified.
2) "Had to" (“ïðèõîäèëîñü”) — this refers to philosophical debates within the Party. The term "had to" is irrelevant here.
3) "Already" (“óæå”) — this word is superfluous in the sentence. It brings to mind a line from Heinrich Heine’s poem "Belsatzar": "The midnight hour was already striking..." «Ïîëíî÷íûé ÷àñ óæ íàñòóïàë …» (by the way, “óæ” is also the Russian word for a harmless grass snake). Lenin was fond of reading Heine’s poetry. The poem mentions a hand writing something on a wall (not on the Internet, as the Internet didn’t exist at the time). And no one could decipher what was written there. It reminds of the search for the secret name of God.
4) "Once" (“îäíàæäû”) — to begin with, this is inaccurate. Aside from the citation in Volume 36, the allusion to an unburied corpse appears at least one more time — perhaps even several times, if considering private conversations—prior to August 16, 1918. For instance:
On June 4, 1918, at a joint session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Moscow Soviet of Workers', Peasants', and Red Army Deputies:
"The corpse of capitalism is decomposing in our midst. It decomposes and rots, poisoning the air with miasmas, shackling our life, and stifling—with the stench of death—all that is new, young, and fresh, which ought to be living and triumphing... The corpse of the old society cannot simply be placed into a coffin, nailed shut, and carried off to a cemetery."
Secondly, this word is also redundant in this sentence (though not superfluous).
5) "To point out" (“óêàçûâàòü”) — the main meaning of this word is to point to something with one's hand — for instance, pointing toward a corpse that cannot be buried. However, it can also carry the secondary meaning – "to indicate."
6) Now, let’s study the entire phrase: "as I already had to point out once”. Four words in this phrase are irrelevant, superfluous, or misleading — or they’re associated with another word’s meaning than was implied. The phrase appears insincere. Therefore, it creates the impression as if the author once had to point out exactly where to hide the unburiable corpse of a specific individual.
7) To sum up: who are the representatives of the "bourgeois society" mentioned in this quote? Logically, this refers to the bourgeoisie — the capitalists — and their rulers (the Tsar’s family). In this context, one might think exactly about the tragic events of July 16, 1918.



A quote from L. Trotsky, April 9, 1935:

"‘And who made the decision?’ I asked.
‘We decided it here. Ilyich thought that we could not leave them "a living banner" — especially in the current, difficult circumstances.’"

However, in 1918 Russia, the term "a living banner" was typically used to refer to spiritual leaders or the ideologues of a revolution, and not to the tsar’s family. Could this have been a slip of the tongue?








VI All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’, Cossacks’, and Red Army Deputies, November 6–9, 1918

Newspaper reports were published on November 9 and 10, 1918, in “Pravda” (newspaper issues 242 and 243) and on November 9 in “Izvestia VTsIK” (No. 244).
The full text was published in 1919 in the book “Sixth All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets: Stenographic Report”.
This version is based on the text from the book, cross-checked against the stenographic record and the newspaper accounts; the speech on the international situation has also been verified against the text of the pamphlet: V. I. Lenin, “World Imperialism and Soviet Russia” (Moscow, 1919).
2. Speech on the International Situation, November 8


"This machine went further than the German imperialists themselves intended, and it crushed them. They became bogged down; they found themselves in the position of a man who has gorged himself (îáîæðàëñÿ - by devouring lots of food) — thereby hastening his own demise." (A quote from a letter by Anastasia Romanova: "We’ve devoured so much Easter bread that I’m about to burst." - «ìû ñòîëüêî ñîæðàëè Ïàñõè, ÷òî ñîáèðàþñü ëîïíóòü»)




“Izvestiya VTsIK” No. 244, November 9, 1918
Printed according to the text in the newspaper “Izvestiya VTsIK”

VI All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’, Cossacks’, and Red Army Deputies, November 6–9, 1918
1. Speech on the Anniversary of the Revolution, November 6


"That is why we introduced workers' control — knowing well, that it is a controversial and incomplete measure, yet a necessary one, so that the workers themselves might take up the great task of building the industry of a vast nation, free from exploiters and in opposition to them. And, comrades, those who have taken part — directly or even indirectly — in this construction, those who have endured the full weight of the oppression and atrocities of the old capitalist regime, have learned a great deal. We know that little has been achieved so far. We know that in a country as backward and devastated as this one — where the working class faced so many obstacles and slingshots to learn how to manage industry — he needs a long period of time. (åìó íóæåí äîëãèé ñðîê) also translated as: “He needs a long prison sentence”. (Anastasia Romanova liked using a slingshot.)




 
October 9, 1918.
“Pravda” No. 219, October 11, 1918. Signed: N. Lenin
Printed from the manuscript

Joint Session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Moscow Soviet, Factory Committees, and Trade Unions
October 22, 1918

In France, for example, they say that the Bolsheviks are a bunch of traitors who are selling their own people to the German.




Published in December 1918 as a separate leaflet and in the journal “Rabochy Mir” (Workers' World), No. 19.
Printed according to the text of the leaflet, cross-referenced with the text from the journal.

Meeting of Moscow Party Workers
November 27, 1918
1. Report on the Proletariat’s Attitude Toward Petty-Bourgeois Democracy


…From the point of view of our revolution’s history, we will see, that there can be no doubt about the answer. This shift is neither accidental nor a matter of personal choice. It concerns millions and millions of people in Russia who are placed in the position of the middle peasantry — or a status equivalent to that of the middle peasantry. This shift concerns the entire petty-bourgeois democracy. She (democracy) went against us with a bitterness bordering on frenzy, because we were compelled to break all her patriotic feelings. Yet, history has brought a turn: patriotism is now shifting into our direction.

<…>
Between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, there exist numerous transitional degrees. And our policy towards these groups must now get on the track we have theoretically anticipated — the track we now can implement.


This excerpt suggests that the murder of the Tsar’s family may have been a personal decision, rather than the one rooted in the logic of state governance. “In short, I have a wagonload of things to tell you both” – the quote from Anastasia Romanova’s letter.

“Izvestiya VTsIK” No. 244, November 9, 1918.
Printed according to the text in the newspaper “Izvestiya VTsIK”.

VI All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’, Cossacks’, and Red Army Deputies, November 6–9, 1918.

Newspaper reports were published on November 9 and 10, 1918, in “Pravda” (newspaper issues: 242 and 243) and on November 9 in “Izvestiya VTsIK” (No. 244).
Published in full in 1919 in the book “The Sixth All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets: Stenographic Report”.
Printed according to the text in the book, which has been collated with the stenographic record and the newspaper texts; the speech regarding the international situation has also been collated with the text of the pamphlet: V. Lenin, “World Imperialism and Soviet Russia” (Moscow, 1919).


Every month, new falsifiers of documents appear — individuals who are handsomely rewarded for "proving" that Lenin and Trotsky are nothing but traitors and agents of the Germans. Despite all this, they cannot conceal the truth; every now and then, revelationary signs break through, revealing that these imperialist gentlemen don’t feel particularly solid. “L’;cho de Paris” makes a confession: "We go into Russia to break the power of the Bolsheviks." This is because their official stance is that they are not at war with Russia and are not interfering in its military affairs — that they are merely struggling against German domination. Our French internationalists, who publish the newspaper “The Third International” in Moscow, cited this passage. Although we have been cut off from Paris and France — with a "Chinese wall" built here with great mastery — we say: "Gentlemen, French imperialists, you cannot defend yourselves against your own bourgeoisie." Naturally, hundreds of thousands of French workers are aware of this brief quote — as well as others — and they see that all the pronouncements of their rulers, of their bourgeoisie, are nothing but lies. Their own bourgeoisie lets the truth slip out; they admit: "We want to break the power of the Bolsheviks."

While there is no direct correspondence to my research hypothesis, this text is notable for certain phrases: "cannot hide the truth," " revelationary signs," "you cannot defend yourselves against your own bourgeoisie," "the quote," "Chinese wall," and "break the power."
The quote — "Gentlemen, French imperialists, you cannot defend yourselves against your own bourgeoisie" — implies, within the logic of the text, that while the French have isolated Communist Russia from themselves, they remain unable to defend themselves against "their own bourgeoisie." Yet, logically speaking, they were defending themselves not against the bourgeoisie, but against the Communists. The quote, however, suggests that the French bourgeoisie held some form of power within Russia — a point that substantiates the logic of my research. It further underscores that Lenin acted in an illogical manner, and in opposition to his own ideological allies.

The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky

Written in October — no later than November 10, 1918; Supplement II written in November, after the 10th, 1918.
Published in 1918 in Moscow as a separate book by the "Kommunist" publishing house.
Printed according to the text of the book, collated with the manuscript.


How Kautsky Turned Marx into an ordinary Liberal

Defining the dictatorship, Kautsky did his best to conceal from the reader the fundamental characteristic of this concept — namely, revolutionary violence.  And now the truth has come to light: it is about the contrast between a peaceful revolution and a violent one.
That is the crux of the matter (that’s where the dog was buried). All of Kautsky’s evasions, sophistries, and fraudulent falsifications are needed for a single purpose: to argue against a violent revolution, to cloak his renunciation of it, and to mask his shift toward a liberal labor policy — that is, toward the side of the bourgeoisie. That is the crux of the matter (that’s where the dog was buried).



A brief report published on December 10, 1918, in the newspaper “Izvestia VTsIK” (No. 270).
The full text was published in 1919 in the pamphlet “Speeches by V. Lenin, V. Milyutin, and V. Nogin at the 3rd Congress of Workers’ Cooperatives”.
This version is printed based on the text of the pamphlet, checked against the stenographic record.

Speech at the 1st All-Russian Congress of Land Departments, Committees of the Poor, and Communes, December 11, 1918.


There is no doubt that in a peasant country like Russia, the task of building socialism is an extremely difficult task. There is no doubt that sweeping away an enemy such as Tsarism, the power of the landowners, or the system of landlord land ownership was comparatively easy. It was possible to resolve this task at the center in a matter of days, and throughout the country in a matter of weeks; however, the task we now begin is, by its very nature, the task that can only be accomplished through exceptionally persistent and long-term labor. We face a struggle here that must be waged step by step, vershok by vershok; we must win back the gains of the new, socialist Russia and struggle for the communal cultivation of the land.

Considering this quote within the context of my hypothesis (regarding the burial by The Last Will and Testament of de Sade)

“Once the grave has been filled in, acorns should be sown over it, so that, in the end, the ground above the grave — overgrown once more with shrubs — might stay the same as it had been, and the traces of my grave might vanish perfectly beneath the surface of the earth. For I cherish the hope that my very name will fade from human memory — except, perhaps, for the few who loved me until the last moment, and of whom I carry into the grave a most tender recollection.”
Written at Charenton-Saint-Maurice, while of sound mind and in good health, on January 30, 1806. (D. A. F. de Sade.)

The phrase “vershok by vershok” (“inch by inch”) is an allusion to the word “poluvershok” inscribed on the wall of the Ipatiev House. That is, after this word appears, after a few words, there is a reference to the “communal cultivation of the land.” This looks like a possible, random recollection of The Last Will and Testament of D.A.F. de Sade

 


Speech at a joint session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Moscow Soviet, factory and plant committees, and the trade unions of Moscow (July 29, 1918; Lenin, V. I., “Complete Collected Works”, 5th ed., Moscow: Politizdat, 1974).

"But we have done something: in one country, all ties with the capitalists of the entire world have been severed. Our government doesn’t have a single thread connecting it to any imperialists whatsoever — nor will they ever exist, regardless of the path our revolution may take from here on."
“Íî ìû ñäåëàëè òî, ÷òî â îäíîé èç ñòðàí áûëè ïîðâàíû âñå ñâÿçè ñ êàïèòàëèñòàìè âñåãî ìèðà. Ó íàøåãî ïðàâèòåëüñòâà íåò íè îäíîé íèòè, ñâÿçûâàþùåé åãî ñ êàêèìè áû òî íè áûëî èìïåðèàëèñòàìè, è èõ íèêîãäà íå áóäåò, êàêèì áû ïóòåì íè ïîøëà äàëåå íàøà ðåâîëþöèÿ.”

There are logical errors in this too. It describes a situation where capitalists exist throughout the world, yet the USSR has no longer any ties to them. But then comes the phrase: "nor will they ever exist." This is illogical, considering that capitalists aren’t going to disappear from the planet. And if the reference is to specific individuals who "will not exist," it creates a peculiar impression. Implying that there once were imperialists, with whom Lenin had some sort of a connection, but that they are no longer alive. Furthermore, the use of words such as "connecting threads" and "severed ties" evokes associations with the works of de Sade. The phrase " nor will they ever exist” explicitly rules out any belief in reincarnation; it asserts that these individuals will never return to this planet. Then Lenin tries to rectify the logical flaw, but fails. The ending of the phrase — "regardless of the path our revolution may take from here on" — is also illogical. If revolution develops into several paths, it remains possible that capitalists might reappear in Russia, or they might not. But here is yet another gap in the logic! The author forgot to say: "nor will they ever exist in Russia." Let’s think about it. Whether the author uttered the end of the sentence in a rush, or he spoke it slowly? If it was said quickly, then it was simply a natural slip of the tongue in spontaneous verbal speech. But if it was said slowly — and such speeches are often delivered in a theatrical manner — then it suggests that, upon uttering the phrase “nor will they ever exist”, the speaker paused and immediately realized he couldn't add "in Russia," as that would cause suspicion. Consequently, he blurted out a random phrase — the first thing that came to his mind. Yet, even in that phrase, he let something slip! The words "whatever path our revolution may take from here" (“êàêèì áû ïóòåì íè ïîøëà äàëåå íàøà ðåâîëþöèÿ.”) could be read as "how would it be possible to rough them up" (“êàê èì áû ïî òåìíîé”). This might imply that the author was contemplating the pointlessness of "roughing them up" (“óñòðàèâàòü òåìíóþ”) — if such characters ever returned to the planet. Furthermore, he says, “ïîøëà äàëåå íàøà ðåâîëþöèÿ”; it seems he might have meant that the revolution must go away (ðåâîëþöèè íàäî èäòè ïîäàëüøå) or that this is becoming vulgar. And with this, I conclude my linguistic investigation.